![]() ![]() ![]() But in a major crisis, Beijing might discount or accept this risk, seeing digital subversion as less dangerous and provocative than more overt forms of disruption. ![]() 3 A Chinese version of this gambit could cause significant blowback-harming the Chinese economy and turning Chinese tech companies into international pariahs, among other consequences. Britain briefly tried (and soon abandoned) a countervalue strategy at the outset of World War I, seeking to exploit its centrality in international communications and financial networks to isolate the German economy and force Berlin to quickly sue for peace. power grid, financial sector, healthcare systems, emergency services, telecommunications, or transportation networks. This might involve disruptions of the U.S. civilians, hoping to demoralize them and thereby dissuade American political leaders from confronting China forcefully. Second, Beijing could carry out a countervalue operation that harms U.S. military or dissuade American leaders from confronting China forcefully. ![]() In extreme circumstances, Beijing would consider digital sabotage to paralyze the U.S. military relies on-such as core telecommunications systems, private logistics companies, off-base electric power sources, undersea cables, commercial satellites, and cloud services. 2 In a modern digital version of such an attack, China could try to subvert unclassified and/or commercially operated infrastructure that the U.S. The scenario has parallels with Japan’s 1941 surprise attack on Pearl Harbor, which sought to buy time for Tokyo to act freely in the Pacific. military assets from promptly reinforcing or resupplying American or allied forces abroad. For example, Beijing might want to stop key U.S. military and prevent American units from responding to a bilateral crisis. There are two broad scenarios.įirst, China could attempt a counterforce operation to paralyze the U.S. But in extreme circumstances, like the cusp of war, China would have strong reason to consider all its options. During peacetime, China’s interest in stable commercial and diplomatic relations generally outweighs any benefits of digital sabotage or saber-rattling. Such access could facilitate actual attacks, as well as threats (either explicit or implicit), against U.S. 1 Beijing has the legal and political tools to compel private Chinese companies to offer up any privileged access they may have to software or hardware systems used in the United States. systems during a bilateral crisis and that technological interdependence heightens this risk. The Biden and Trump administrations both have warned that China could sabotage critical U.S. The US's top counterintelligence agency estimates that Beijing steals $200 billion to $600 billion worth of economic secrets from the US every year.Table of Contents Risks of Interdependence Xu's arrest and conviction are unique and shed light on a shadowy conflict in which Beijing is trying to wrestle global supremacy from the US using any means possible. He would invite them to China on academic pretexts and then slowly lure them to espionage. Xu was arrested in Belgium and became the first Chinese intelligence officer to be extradited to the US.Īccording to the FBI and Department of Justice, Xu had since 2013 used multiple aliases to target US and third-country aviation companies and experts in that field. It often indicates a user profile.Ī security guard next to a jet engine turbo-fan at the China Aviation Expo in Beijing, September 20, 2005.Īfter the FBI determined that Zheng didn't willingly turn over any classified information, the GE Aviation employee began cooperating with the agency to lure Xu out of China. Account icon An icon in the shape of a person's head and shoulders. ![]()
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